Protests and online activism in recent months have brought a resurgence of ethnic Oromo nationalism in Ethiopia.
Addis Ababa, Ethiopia - Aslan
Hasan, a student belonging to the Oromo ethnic group in Ethiopia, was
called either a guilt-ridden terrorist who committed suicide or an
innocent victim of brutal state repression, depending on who you listen
to.
His death came following a bout of violence in May, when Oromo
students in several towns protested against a government plan for the
capital Addis Ababa to expand into Oromia Regional State,
Ethiopia's largest and most populous federal region with around one-third of the nation's over 90 million people.
Security services said Hasan
hanged himself in his cell after being arrested for a grenade attack
that occurred at Haramaya University in the east of the country. Online
Oromo activists such as Jawar Mohammed say Aslan, 24, had his throat
slit by police on June 1 while in custody after being snatched four days
before. A witness said it appeared his neck had been cut and his eyes
gouged out.
Ethiopia's government is frequently accused of
trampling on constitutionally protected ethnic rights
as it prioritises security, political stability, and public
infrastructure investments to drive growth. While technocrats have
devised a rational scheme to manage a bulging city, the red-hot
political issue of Oromo rights was barely considered, according to an
Addis Ababa University academic who wishes to remain anonymous. "They
think something is good, they go for it," he said about the ruling
coalition's top-down methods. "It's a done deal, it's not consultative
at all."
Jawar and other Oromos - including normally acquiescent Oromo members
of the ruling political group - say the "integrated master plan" is an
annexation of their territory that will weaken the ethnicity politically
and also lead to the eviction of Oromo farmers from their land on the
periphery of Addis Ababa. Oromos claim the capital city, which they call
Finfinne, as their own, and in 2004 protested against the government's
attempt to change their capital to Adama.
Deadly protests
The most serious unrest in May took place in the western town of Ambo
and involved a student protest-turned-riot, with buildings damaged,
cars torched, and civilians shot dead by security forces. At Haramaya, a
grenade was chucked at students watching a televised football match.
Officials blamed Oromo separatists; activists pointed a finger at agent
provocateurs from the regime. In the southeast of Oromia,
grainy video purports to show security forces firing on students around Madawalabu University at Robe. An independent assessment estimated as many as 50 people died.
The lack of clarity epitomises the propaganda battle raging inside
Ethiopia - and online - amid fear of retribution and a paucity of
reliable information. Few if any independent journalists or bloggers
operate in the hotspots, and Ambo, for example, was placed on lockdown
by security services when violence broke out. Two Peace Corps volunteers
who blogged about the unrest - saying police killed two of their
unarmed neighbours away from the protests - fled the country soon after.
While debate continues about exactly what happened, the protests
indicate a growing and potentially important trend: a resurgence of
Oromo nationalism that's increasingly driven by online activists.
During the demonstrations, US-based Jawar, a graduate student at
Columbia University, acted as a central hub to distribute information
from Ethiopia via
Facebook and
Twitter:
posting photos of dead students and sharing news of protests under way.
Cooperation between disaffected Oromo students and savvy mobilisers in
the diaspora presents a fresh and substantial challenge to a government
that still has work to do in resolving the centuries old issue of unmet
Oromo demands for fair treatment and representation.
"The recent Oromo protests and the new online activism is
significant, mostly because it represents a fresh, much younger
generation of Oromo nationalists, and signals that Oromo nationalism is
durable politically," said Michael Woldemariam, an Assistant Professor
of International Relations at Boston University.